Wednesday, May 6, 2020

A Brief Note On The Crimes Of The Past - 1706 Words

Atoning for the crimes of the past Social culture, from what we know, has an impact on the way people view the world around us, and one of the most influential we see currently is the media. As kids grow up and develop, they are exposed to a lot of media from Nickelodeon to Cartoon Network, to one of the most impactful, Disney Channel. When it comes to the media we know that over the course of time things can be skewed to look a certain way and they typically may have subliminal messages. So what message are we showing our children? When it comes to Disney and their iconic princesses, we know that they typically tend to all look the same in appearance. From Cinderella to Rapunzel, they all tend to have the same features. Straight, blonde hair and pale skin. Some concerns came with this as people started to notice these main features when it came to the disney princesses. This led to Disney including a new princess, the famous Tiana, first of her kind. However, this still begs the question as to whether or not the ne w African American Disney princess repairs the damage done by Disney over the course of time in regard to the perpetuation of racial stereotypes? Although creating Tiana is a positive step towards improvement, her creation still fails to repair the damage fostered by the perpetual stereotypes. When it comes to television, at least in the eyes of animation, different types of cartoons are being broadcasted in front of children. Growing up as a child on aShow MoreRelatedTelevision Viewing And Protective Action Against Crime1639 Words   |  7 PagesNabi, R. L, Sullivan, J. L. (2001, December). Does Television Viewing Relate to Engagement in Protective Action Against Crime?: A Cultivation Analysis From a Theory of Reasoned Action Perspective. Communication Research, (28), 802nd ser. Doi:10.1177/009365001028006004 2. This Study is for my Dependent Variables 3. Statement of Study s Purpose and Brief Overview of Literature Review Nabi and Sullivan used the cultivation theory as the base of their study. (2001)Within the study, they also usedRead MoreThe Impact of Gender and Family on Juvenile Delinquency in the United States888 Words   |  4 Pagescollecting juvenile crime data. Juvenile arrests accounted for 16 percent of all violent crime arrests (i.e. murder, rape, assault) and 26 percent of all property crime arrests (i.e. burglary, theft, arson) (Puzzanchera, 2009). Other crimes for which juveniles are arrested include simple assault, vandalism, gambling, disorderly conduct, weapons possession, illicit drug/liquor violation (including DUI) and prostitution. It is important to note that a number of misdemeanor crimes go unreported whileRead MoreWhy should we let Congress take away our firearms? Is there some sort of amazing benefit to society600 Words   |  3 Pagesunless we place a ban on firearms? Just think about the results. There would be chaos throughout the entire nation, the crime rate would i ncrease dramatically, and society would be taking a turn for the worse. I believe that Congress and the United States government should keep away from issues dealing with firearms. Before I begin stating why these things would occur, let me give a brief history on gun control programs that date back to when crossbows were still a reliable weapon in warfare. In the yearRead MoreA Critical Analysis of the Death Penalty1646 Words   |  7 Pagesserve its intended purpose, proponents of the same are convinced that the relevance of the same cannot be overstated and hence it should not be abolished. In this text, I examine the arguments for and against the death penalty. The Death Penalty: A Brief Overview In basic terms, the death penalty according to Stearman is when the government takes a persons life as a punishment for wrongdoing (6). As the author further points out, the death penalty is regarded the most severe form of punishmentRead MoreCJUS 420 Discussion Board and topic research Instructions draft1403 Words   |  6 Pagesconcerning a crime, why the crime was committed, and the person(s) who committed the crime. In our criminal justice system a person can be brought to justice for a criminal act. First, and probably the least likely, the individual will be driven by his conscience to immediately confess. Second, an officer of the law can catch him in the act. Third, and most common, a criminal investigation can identify him as suspect, after which he may confess or be convicted by trial. In most cases, when a crime is committedRead MoreEyewitness Testimony And The American Psychological Association1580 Words   |  7 PagesFor centuries, even before the rise of modern law and judicial practices, eyewitness testimony has been a crucial part in reaching verdicts in court. The opinions and observations of bystanders or active participants in a crime scene are often considered to be very valuable in determining the guilt or innocence of accused individuals. However, there has been a large amount of scrutiny in the law world concerning both misappropriated and untrue testimonies administered in courts of law. Although theRead MoreCriminal Punishment And The Criminal Justice System1193 Words   |  5 Pagesmuch of the 20th century, criminal sentencing practices remained largely unchanged in the United States. Over the past few decades, we have witnessed a practical revolution in criminal punishment processes. A number of different sentencing reforms have been recently ex panded, resulting in a mix of different legal approaches to sentencing in the United States today. I will begin with a brief overview of sentencing philosophies, followed by modern sentencing innovations. Then, I will discuss research evidenceRead MoreThe Field Of Forensic Linguistics1570 Words   |  7 PagesThe following article takes a brief look at the field of Forensic Linguistics. In simple terms we could define forensic linguistics as a field that acts as an â€Å"interface† between language, the law and crime where the law includes a variety of judicial matters, legislation and law enforcement (Coulthard Johnson, 2010: 199). Therefore, a forensic linguist may note findings resulting from research conducted within a variety of disciplines including, for example, theory of grammar, discourse analysisRead MoreAnalysis Of The Book David Garland 1513 Words   |  7 Pagesclosed-circuit TV surveillance and a prison population whose growth rate, if not its actual number, is beginning to rival that of the US. Such a state of affairs, he notes, only 30 years ago would have seemed shocking, even to the best-informed and most up-to-date observer. Indeed, he insists, the trajectory of British and American crime control over the past three decades has been almost exactly the contrary of that which was anticipated as recently as 1970. The Culture of Control describes this trajectoryRead MoreModern Systemic Inequality1365 Words   |  6 Pagesfirst line indent and is double-spaced. APA style provides for up to five heading levels, shown in the paragraphs that follow. Note that the word Introduction should not be used as an initial heading, as it’s assumed that your paper begins with an introduction.] Poor, urban, black neighborhoods have suffered the effects of high unemployment, poor education, high crime rates, and rampant drug abuse for a long time. While a chunk of society is aware of the issues members of these communities face

Tuesday, May 5, 2020

Online and Traditional Businesses for Developments - myassignmenthelp

Question: Discuss about theOnline and Traditional Businesses for Developments. Answer: Introduction The recent developments in technology as well as the latest innovations have greatly transformed the way businesses are being conducted in the present world (Zikmund et al. 2013). In the present times, the various companies greatly depend on the various social media platforms and other platforms offered by the electronic media not only for the purpose of promotion of the products as well as the services provided by them but also for the conduct of their business (Wikstrm and Ellonen 2012). A recent trend seen among the major companies of the world is to go digital to cater to all the needs as well as the requirements of the customers (Armstrong et al. 2015). It is to be noted that gone are the days when globalization was considered to be the main aspect of a success business. In the present day world it has been replaced by the online or electronic forms of businesses. Impact of on-line businesses on the traditional businesses The term e-commerce or online business was coined by IBM's marketing and Internet team in the year 1996 (Cavusgil, et al. 2014). The first recorded instance of the e-commerce dates back to 1994 when IBM used it for the very first time to sell its products and services (Cavusgil, et al. 2014). It is to be noted that since then the concept of e-commerce has become the latest trend in the business world. It is to be noted that with the rise of the online businesses the various traditional businesses have been hit hard. An evidence of this is the potential threat which the e-commerce giant Amazon Inc poses to the largest retail company of the world, Wal-Mart (Zikmund et al. 2013). This is in synchronization with the changing preferences of the customers who prefer to take the services of the online businesses rather than the traditional ones. This is a reflection of the several benefits which the various online businesses provide to the customers like home delivery, payment on delivery, the variety of options which they provide to the customers, the availability of all the popular brands at one place and others. However, according to an article, the various online businesses still need to go a long way in order to win the trust of the Australian customers (Financial Review 2018). On the contrary, when the decline in the performance of the Australian company Fairfax is analyzed it will be seen that while revenue for its traditional newspaper business continues to decline precipitously, Fairfaxs digital businesses such as its online real estate arm Domain are enjoying strong growth. These are expected to account for more than 60% of EBITDA in 2017 (The Conversation. 2018). According to another source, more than 50,000 consumers take the services of the various online newspapers more than 26 nations (The Conversation. 2018). This has resulted in a remarkable decline in the readership of the traditional newspapers. This is a reflection of the preference of the people to take the services of the e-commerce over the traditional businesses. An interview conducted with 20 different people reveals than around 60% of the people in the age group 18-40 prefer to take the services offered by the online businesses in comparison to the ones offered by the traditional ones. Marketing approach The various online businesses used the platform offered by the diverse social media platforms and other platforms offered by the electronic media for the promotion of their products (Wikstrm and Ellonen 2012). In addition to this, they target the customer base in the age range of 18-40 who are more technology savvy in comparison to the customers of the other age (Armstrong et al. 2015). In addition to this they attracted the customers by provided regular discounted sales. It is to be noted that this particular strategy was used by Amazon Inc to attract the customers who originally preferred services provided by Wal-Mart. In addition to this, they provide several attractive offers to the customers as already mentioned above. In comparison to this, the various traditional businesses still depend on the word of mouth and the various newspapers for the promotion of their products as well as services. Sales, Staffing and Costs Fairfax, an Australian media company lost almost $1 billion write-down in its traditional newspaper business whereas it gained a net profit of around $132 million in its online business (The Conversation. 2018). This data clearly states that in the recent times the amount of sale of products in the online sector has increased exponentially in comparison to the sale of the same products in the traditional form of businesses. According to the same interview mentioned above, around 70% of people in the age bracket 18-40 agreed that they would prefer to buy a product over the e-commerce website than go to a retail store and purchase it from there. It is to be noted that the cost that the various online companies incur is some degrees lesser than the ones incurred by the various traditional businesses (Armstrong et al. 2015). It is true that the various e-commerce websites need to spend a considerable amount of money on the technical front but they end up saving a considerable capital on various front like the salary of salesmen and other employees, the rent of the stores and various others. The cost incurred by the various online businesses is less in comparison to the ones incurred by the traditional businesses. As already mentioned above, the various online businesses save a considerable amount of money which the traditional companies need to spend in order to survive in the business. Conclusion Therefore, from the above discussion it becomes clear that the market has became saturated for the various traditional forms of businesses and they might even become obsolete if they do not take some drastic measures to save their interests. In comparison the various online businesses are booming and very soon they are expected to become the latest trend. They are already the preferred choice of the majority of people at present. References Armstrong, G., Kotler, P., Harker, M. and Brennan, R., 2015.Marketing: an introduction. Pearson Education. Cavusgil, S.T., Knight, G., Riesenberger, J.R., Rammal, H.G. and Rose, E.L., 2014.International business. Pearson Australia. Financial Review. 2018.Australians still trust brick-and-mortar retailers online more: KPMG. [online] Available at: https://www.afr.com/business/retail/australians-still-trust-brickandmortar-retailers-online-more-kpmg-20170113-gtqsix [Accessed 12 Mar. 2018]. The Conversation. 2018.Disrupted businesses are struggling in the valley of death. [online] Available at: https://theconversation.com/disrupted-businesses-are-struggling-in-the-valley-of-death-63878 [Accessed 12 Mar. 2018]. The Conversation. 2018.Social media is changing our digital news habits but to varying degrees in US and UK. [online] Available at: https://theconversation.com/social-media-is-changing-our-digital-news-habits-but-to-varying-degrees-in-us-and-uk-60900 [Accessed 12 Mar. 2018]. Wikstrm, P. and Ellonen, H.K., 2012. The impact of social media features on print media firms online business models.Journal of Media Business Studies,9(3), pp.63-80. Zikmund, W.G., Babin, B.J., Carr, J.C. and Griffin, M., 2013.Business research methods. Cengage Learning.

Monday, March 9, 2020

A basic income grant for Namibia Essays

A basic income grant for Namibia Essays A basic income grant for Namibia Essay A basic income grant for Namibia Essay Introduction Nowadays, many people involved in the development discourse agree that the overcoming of poorness is the most important factor of development and that the growing of a state s economic system entirely is non sufficient to increase the wellbeing of the hapless frequently it has even worsen their state of affairs ( Kingsbury et al. , 2008, pp.27-28, 152 ) . However, there is no consensus on how to turn to this multidimensional job and create permanent alteration. This essay focuses on the challenge of poorness, unemployment and income inequality in Namibia the state with the most unequal distribution of income in the universe. The biennial Basic Income Grant ( BIG ) pilot undertaking in the Otjivero-Omitara country that has started in January 2008 aims to turn to these jobs by redistributing money from the rich to the hapless. It is based on the thought that everybody should unconditionally have a monthly basic income. The end of the BIG pilot undertaking which is the first cosmopolitan cash-transfer pilot undertaking in the universe ( Haarmann et al. , 2009, p.13 ) is to carry the Namibian authorities to implement a BIG in whole Namibia. Even if poorness is today frequently seen as cardinal factor which has to be addressed by development attacks and most would hold that development means bettering the life conditions of society , there has been and there are assorted sentiments of how this betterment should look like and how it can be achieved ( Melkote and Steeves, 2001, p.34 ) . In scholarship and pattern, one can place three chief watercourses of positions on development: modernization or the dominant paradigm of development, critical positions, and release positions ( ibid. ) . The different implicit in thoughts and constructs of development of these positions are explained in the undermentioned literature reappraisal of this essay. In the position study, the development state of affairs in Namibia and the BIG thought together with the associated pilot undertaking are described. The construct of authorization that emerged in the range of the critical attacks and release positions can be seen as the model of the BIG undertaking. The underlying thoughts, the strengths in turn toing poorness and permanent development every bit good as the challenges and unfavorable judgment of the undertaking are discussed in the treatment portion. Reasoning the analysis, actions for a successful execution of the BIG in whole Namibia are recommended. Literature Review The paradigm of modernization that emerged in the 1940s strongly determined the theory and pattern of development until the sixtiess ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, pp.71-72 ; Mowlana A ; Wilson, 1990, p.13 ) . Theories and constructs that recapitulated the development of West European and North American states were used to bring forth theoretical accounts of development for the Third World ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.100 ) . Roger names four cardinal elements of this so called dominant paradigm: economic growing via industrialization, capital-intensive engineering and associated the quantitative empirical scientific method, centralised planning every bit good as the belief that underdevelopment is caused by jobs within developing states ( 1976, p.49 ) . The paradigm is based on neo-classical economic theory but besides on societal evolutionary theory Darwin s evolutionary construct applied to societal alteration ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, pp.74-75 ) . There were and are, for illustration, a assortment of bipolar theories of modernization that describe ideal-typical beginning and stop points of development. The states in the Third World were seen as traditional societies while Western states were described as modern and hence holding already achieved the highest phase of development ( Greig, Hulme A ; Turner, 2007, p.80 ; Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, pp.81, 100 ) . A outstanding illustration of a unilinear modernization theoretical account that emphasises evolutionary alteration is Rostow s five-stage theoretical account of economic growing ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.84 ; Servaes, 1999, p. 21 ) . Modernization theories that focused alternatively on evolutionary alteration at the micro degree stated that is is indispensable f or the modernization procedure that persons change their values and attitudes to run into the features of people in the already modernised West ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, pp.86-88 ) . The procedures and constructions of development under the dominant paradigm reshaped the world of people in the Third World ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.92 ) . Melkote and Steeves note that an scrutiny of modernisation discourse from the beginning reveals the end of replacing non-Western ideological, cultural, and even linguistic communication systems, with Western systems ( 2001, p.92 ; see besides Kingsbury et al. , 2008, p.52 ) . In add-on, Western states gained more and more control over the people in the Third World through their institutional intercessions ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.93 ) . Since the 1960s the development construct within the range of the dominant paradigm has been more and more challenged ( Kingsbury et al. , 2008, p.51 ) . The review refers to several aspects and effects of the paradigm many of it challenges the focal point on a state s economic growing ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, pp.19, 158 ) . The assorted negative effects of the dominant paradigm show that measures like the GDP of a state can non state a batch about the state of affairs of the people. Even though many developing states experienced impressive economic growing until the sixtiess, the modernization theoretical account lead to increased rates of unemployment, poorness and inequality in political, societal and economic regard every bit good as in respect to the distribution of power ( Kingsbury et al. , 2008, p.27-28 ; Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, pp.158-162 ) . The observation of the failure of the dominant paradigm s trickle-down thought lead to the outgrowth of the basic needs attack in the early 1970s ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.166 ) . The purpose of this attack is to extinguish some of the worst facets of poorness by paying attending to the quality of life of persons at the underside of the socio-economic ladder alternatively of underscoring economic indexs as within the dominant paradigm ( ibid. , pp.158, 166 ) . There have been many attempts to specify basic demands ( Kingsbury et al. , 2008, p.32 ) . Paul Streeten ( 1979, p. 48, quoted in Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.167 ) identified seven aims of the basic needs attack that include basic human demands and rights: nutrient and imbibing H2O, shelter, instruction, security of support, conveyance, engagement in decision-making every bit good as self-respect and dignity. After a decennary of repudiation of the accent on basic demands, the attending to this attack returned in the 1990s. In this clip, a presents still really influential step of the wellbeing of people the Human Development Index ( HDI ) of the UNDP was introduced ( Kingsbury et al. , 2008, pp.32-33 ) . Melkote and Steeves province that the basic needs attack has no opportunity to hold a existent consequence on development every bit long as the power lies with the advocates of the neo-classical attack: Considerations of national and planetary security and economic sciences will ever take precedence ( 2001, p.169 ) . Critics have argued moreover that the existent purpose of advocates of the basic demands attack was to maintain people disempowered while merely feeding them better ( ibid. , p.168 ) . These concerns about planetary power instabilities are expressed, for illustration, by dependence theory and world-systems theory ( ibid. , p.158 ) . Melkote A ; Steeves summarise the new ends that alternative attacks to development reference: equity in distribution of development benefits, engagement of all community members, independency of communities or states and integrating of old and new thoughts ( 2001, p.199 ) . The 3rd watercourse of positions on development the release perspectives differs from the others since the focal point is religious and non economic ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, pp.35 ) . Spirituality and faith rarely play a function in mainstream development scholarship or pattern and faiths particularly others than Christianity are instead seen as barriers to development ( ibid. , pp.273-274 ) . However, within every major faith there can be found a type of divinity that supports development as a procedure of release from unfairness, favoritism, and subjugation ( ibid. , p.275, 293 ) . This release divinity, the chief footing for release positions, province that the purposes of development in this attack authorization and autonomy can merely be achieved through personal and communal release from subjugation ( ibid. , p.35 ) . The implicit in premises are that all people pursue freedom and autonomy and have the internal capacity to develop themselves on their ain footing s but internal and external signifiers of subjugation restrict their ability to make so ( ibid. , p.35, 294 ) . Crucial to liberation divinity is that religious pattern and societal activism together with and on behalf of laden people belong together ( ibid. , p.294 ) . Although big Western authoritiess and corporations are seen as a major subjugation beginnings, advocates of release positions are non automatically oppositions of modernization. Alternatively, the basic premiss is that persons must be free to take ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.35 ) . A bottom-up theoretical account that incorporates premises of the release perspectives is the participatory theoretical account for development. The thought behind this attack is the engagement of people of all degrees of society ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.327-338 ) . Peoples at the grassroots have to comprehend their demands and jobs themselves and so place solutions this happens through conscientization what includes corporate action. Though the participatory theoretical account has been comparatively popular in the last decennaries, many development undertakings have stayed far off from true engagement by maintaining the pick for the right solutions and other power issues at the degree of national or international elites ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.338-339 ) . The three watercourses of positions within the development discourse that were discussed in the preceding paragraphs are non thorough and they besides overlap. A construct of development that includes elements of the critical positions and release positions is empowerment ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.35-36 ) . The World Bank defines authorization as the procedure of increasing the assets and capablenesss of persons or groups to do purposive picks and to transform those picks into coveted actions and results. Empowered people have freedom of pick and action. This in bend enables them to better act upon the class of their lives and the determinations which affect them ( 2009a ) . Melkote and Steeves besides concentrate on the corporate degree of authorization and argue for this construct of development because sustainable alteration is non possible unless we deal with this important job in human societies: deficiency of economic and societal power among persons at the grassroots the oppressive societal, political, and economic constructions in Third World states are seen as the obstructions for development ( 2001, p.356 ) . Though there are several cautions that are discussed in the treatment portion of this essay, Melkote and Steeves see the authorization construct as the lone manner for true development ( 2001, pp.364-365 ) . Status Report The Republic of Namibia lies in the south-west of the African continent. With 2.11 million occupants in 2008 and a surface country of over 824,000 square kilometers, it is sparsely populated ( The World Bank TWB ] , 2009b ) . The bulk of the Namibians still live in rural countries while the urban population counts merely for 36 per cent ( TWB, 2008 ) . In 2008, the state had a GDP of US $ 8.56 billion ( TWB, 2009b ) and it has compared to neighbor states a comparatively high per capita income ( International Monetary Fund [ IMF ] , 2009, pp.5-6 ) . The economic system as a whole has shown a solid growing public presentation in recent old ages due to the booming mineral sector ( IMF, 2009, pp.5-6 ) . But the big portion of unemployed occupants about 35 per cent reveals the cardinal job of inequality in Namibian society ( ibid. ) . With a Gini value of 74.3, Namibia is regarded as the state with the most unequal distribution of income in the universe. The absolute monthly income of the richest 20 per centum of the population is 56.1 times higher than the income of the poorest 20 per centum ( UNDP, 2008b ) . Harmonizing to the national poorness line, 13.8 per cent of the people are badly hapless ( Haarmann et al. , 2009, pp.48-49 ) . With a HDI of 0.650, Namibia ranges in the bottom 3rd ( rank of 125th ) of 177 states when it comes to human wellbeing ( UNDP, 2008a ) . Using the weight for age criterion of the World Health Organization, 18 per cent of the kids under age 5 were undernourished in 2007. Merely 77 per cent of the kids in the relevant age group completed primary school in 2007. Another challenge is that the HIV rate is high in Namibia: 15.3 per cent of the population ages 15-49 are infected by the virus ( TWB, 2009b ) . In 2004, the so called Namibian Basic Income Grant Coalition ( BIG Coalition ) was established to recommend the debut of a countrywide monthly basic income grant ( BIG ) to turn to these jobs ( Haarmann et al. , 2009, p.13 ) . The Namibian Government s Tax Commission had recommended in 2002 a cosmopolitan grant that should be financed out of a progressive outgo revenue enhancement on the flush ( ibid. , p.18 ) . Following this recommendation, the BIG Coalition developed a proposal for a BIG in Namibia: A monthly hard currency grant of non less than 100 Namibian dollars ( what presently equals 15.64 Australian dollars ) should be paid unconditionally to every Namibian citizen adult females, work forces and kids as a citizen s right until she or he reaches the age of 60. When turning 60, Namibians become eligible for the already bing and well higher cosmopolitan authorities pension ( ibid. , pp.18-19 ; Kameeta et al. , 2007, p.23 ) . The BIG Coalition argues that the net costs of between N $ 1.2 and 1.6 billion per twelvemonth which are tantamount to 2.2 to 3 per cent of the current Namibian GDP are low-cost for the Namibian province as there is extra capacity to raise revenue enhancement gross significantly . Options to finance a BIG include a moderate accommodation of VAT combined with an addition in income revenue enhancements and a re-prioritisation of the national budget and the debut of a particular levy on natural resources ( Haarmann et al. , 2009, p.16 ) . The cardinal consequence that is expected from the BIG is that it promotes employment and nice work on a big graduated table in Namibia ( Kameeta et al. , 2007, p.25 ) . This would be achieved by the BIG by supplying a certain degree of income security that would control low mass poorness and interrupt the destructive circle of the survival economic system . The 2nd chief characteristic is that fiscal resources would be redistributed to the bulk of people where they are most effectual to further both investing and demand ( ibid. , pp.25-26 ) . The advocates of the undertaking note that several significant governmental steps are to boot needed as the BIG entirely can non be the solution for the job of mass unemployment ( ibid. , p.26 ) . The BIG Coalition decided in 2007 to implement a pilot undertaking in the highly hapless Otjivero-Omitara country ( Haarmann et al. , 2009, p.49 ) to turn out the positive effects of a BIG and travel the policy argument forward ( ibid. , p.19 ) . After the enrollment of the 930 under-60-year-old occupants of the country and the elevation of financess for a undertaking continuance of two old ages, the pilot undertaking has started in January 2008. The pay-out is managed by the Namibian Post Office where every occupant of the undertaking country has a savings history into which the grant is paid monthly ( ibid. , pp.19-23 ) . The advocates of the income grant province that the debut of the BIG will be a important measure towards poorness relief, employment creative activity and the decrease of inequality in Namibia ( Kameeta et al. , 2007, p.26 ) . In fact, harmonizing to the one-year-report of the pilot undertaking, assorted developmental effects have been achieved since the execution of the BIG in the undertaking country: family poorness dropped significantly, economic activity increased particularly through the starting of little concerns and the creative activity of a local market through the new purchasing power of the people, child malnutrition was reduced, regular school attending and clinic visits increased chiefly because of the ability to pay the fees, offense was significantly reduced and HIV positive occupants could afford nutrious nutrient that is indispensable to profit to the full from anti-retroviral intervention every bit good as wage for the conveyance to acquire the medicine ( Haarm ann et al. , 2009, p.14-16, 60 ) . Discussion The BIG Coalition sees the BIG non merely as a basic needs attack but as a agency of authorization. The BIG helps the hapless to fulfill basic demands like feeding, imbibing, holding nice shelter and directing their kids to school ( Streeten, 1979, p.48, quoted in Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.167 ) but it intends to accomplish even more than that. The advocates province that the BIG is non a public assistance programme but an empowerment programme for economic activity ( Kameeta et al. , 2007, p.23 ) . Kameeta et Al. argue in their BIG undertaking presentation for the United Nations in line with the thoughts of the empowerment construct of Melkote and Steeves that was explained before in this essay: Poverty is caused by an unfair economic order that prevents them [ the hapless ] from doing a life in a dignified manner. A solution must therefore turn to the structural unfairnesss, which perpetuate the ever-increasing unemployment and poorness rates ( 2007, p.12 ) . As the BIG wou ld ease a redistribution of income from the rich to the hapless, it would take to more justness in the distribution of the wagess of economic growing that Namibia so experienced since independency ( Kameeta et al. , 2007, p.20 ) . That the battle of many Namibians to run into basic demands prevents development is noted strikingly by Kameeta et Al. : The hapless have to pass hours procuring their endurance for the following twenty-four hours by roll uping H2O and firewood and seeking to obtain some nutrient. These day-to-day endurance struggles absorb clip, labor and other resources, which otherwise could be used for productive economic intents ( 2007, p.8 ) . In advanced states the province normally guarantees some sort of societal safety cyberspace but as this is missing in many developing states it is irrational for people to prosecute in advanced, achievement-oriented and profit-maximising behaviour ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.166 ) . The abandoning of the survival economic system furthers the chances of the hapless to prosecute in work either by get downing an ain concern or seeking other employment. Criticism of the BIG construct chiefly takes topographic point on an ideological degree and reminds of the position of the dominant paradigm: The two nucleus beliefs are that a hard currency transportation is bad for people because it gives them rights without duty and that hapless people are non capable of passing the money sagely ( Haarmann et al. , 2009, p.39 ) . Melkote and Steeves confirm that while expressed theories of single lower status are no longer promoted, the discourse of development frequently reveals ethnocentric and patriarchal beliefs about the disempowered position of people in general or subgroups in developing states ( 2001, p.90 ) . The BIG Coalition states that the consequences of the pilot undertaking prove that the ideological reserves which critics like many affluent white husbandmans have ( Krahe, 2009, pp.48-49 ) are baseless. The people in the undertaking country have in fact made rational disbursement determinations to better their lives ( Haarmann et al. , 2009, p.40 ) . Furthermore the BIG Coalition argues that the unconditioned payments do non intend giving something for nil but lead to immense single and societal benefits through giving people the chance to go autonomous and act dignified and responsible ( ibid. , pp.39-42 ) . Simply the ownership of small economic power helps people to recover their human self-respect, for illustration because they do non hold to implore for nutrient any more ( Haarmann et al. , 2009, p.41 ) . This procedure is furthered by the unconditioned payment of the BIG. The receiving systems of the BIG have the pick to make up ones mind how to put their money and are responsible for their actions, they have the power to make what seems sensible for them. This would be non the instance if nutrient casts would be provided or the school fees for their kids would be paid from person else than themselves ( ibid. ) . The statement that a BIG would make dependence is contrary to the basic premise of release position which is important to the authorization construct: It is necessary to swear in the laden and in their ability to ground ( Freire, 1996, p.564 ) . As the experience in the pilot undertaking shows, the people use the BIG as a platform for ain actions and do non trust on the r egular payment entirely. Krahe points out that the system of little loans in developing states besides shows that hapless people frequently win in going financially independent in this instance through self-employment if they merely acquire entree to money ( 2009, p.52 ) . The BIG has promoted in the pilot undertaking community besides empowerment through engagement. The people themselves established an 18-member BIG commission to call up the community. The commission elected people who advise others to do the best usage of their Large payments ( Haarmann et al. , 2009, p.14 ) . The members besides addressed the job of intoxicant maltreatment and persuaded shebeen proprietors non to open on the BIG pay-out yearss ( ibid. , pp.38-39 ) . This suggests that the debut of a BIG can efficaciously help with community mobilization and authorization ( ibid. , p.14 ) . Peoples know best the jobs of their community and can make solutions in Otjivero-Omitara, the BIG ignited hope and motivated people to take part in their ain development ( ibid. , p.37 ) . A participatory communicating theoretical account is seen as cardinal for authorization ( Cadiz, 2005 ; Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.166 ) . It would travel beyond the range of this essay to analyze the BIG proposal in such inside informations as discoursing for illustration the appropriate hight of the monthly grant and the best manner to finance it. As noted in the position study, the pilot undertaking shows many positive consequences in turn toing poorness, unemployment and other jobs. The BIG is besides a manner to decrease the economic inequality in a state in which merely a certain portion of people used to profit from economic growing. After analyzing the underlying construct of authorization, one can state that the BIG appears to be a really fruitful construct of development as it is a existent means to authorise people. However, it can merely be one of assorted stairss to derive full authorization of the people. Melkote and Steeves emphasise moreover that there are several cautions to empowerment: it is a long-run, labor-intensive procedure that evolves through pattern in which development support professionals a re merely facilitators ( 2001, pp.364-365 ) . In any instance, extra steps and procedures are needed to attach to the execution of a BIG in Namibia it is understood that the debut of a basic income can non stand entirely ( Hornemann Moller A ; Lind, 1999, p.186 ) . As the BIG Coalition itself states, governmental steps to turn to the mass employment are among others important to make positions and ease the long-run success of a basic income. Essential for farther authorization would be moreover that people at the grassroots organise themselves to back up other people in how to put the BIG money, detect and reference potentially approaching troubles and acquire involved with the betterment of life in their community beyond the basic income ( Melkote A ; Steeves, 2001, p.166, 366 ) . The constitution of a community commission within the BIG pilot undertaking is a good illustration for engagement. From the political side there should be attempts to listen to what the people at the grassroots have to state and what measures the y consider as reasonable for their particular community ( Servaes, 1999, pp.277, 279 ) . However, participatory communicating faces many obstructions and its success depends on several conditions it is nil that can be established easy over dark ( Cadiz, 2005, pp. 156-158 ; Servaes, 1999, pp.196-204, 277 ) . At the current degree of treatment, the argument about a BIG for Namibia is non yet concerned with such of import inside informations of the BIG debut, it is still a general and chiefly ideological one. Can you swear hapless people? Can you allow them make up ones mind what to make with the money they get? The authorization construct approves that and goes even farther by saying that to trust on the self-responsibility of the people, to authorise them to allow them make their ain hereafter is the lone manner to derive sustained development. Surely, there will ever be people who are non willing to take part in community development and maltreatment governmental payments but as the experience from the BIG pilot undertaking shows, this is the minority. A basic income grant can be a first measure towards the end of get the better ofing poorness and increasing the wellbeing of people through authorization. The thought of a basic income already has a long history, its roots stretch back to the late 18th century ( Fitzpatrick, 1999, p.40 ) . The BIG pilot undertaking in Namibia has gained big attending worldwide ( Haarmann et al. , 2009, p.XII ) particularly because other states, including for illustration Germany, are besides discoursing the debut of a basic income for some clip already ( Little, 1998, p.107 ) . Possibly in this instance a developing state will steal into the function of progress leading and go the precursor of a successful development construct that will be implemented in Western states later.

Friday, February 21, 2020

Audit and Internal Control Issues Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Audit and Internal Control Issues - Coursework Example In the next section, the report identifies the tests of controls to be performed for obtaining sufficient appropriate audit evidence in relation to purchases made during a year. Lastly, the report discusses the substantive procedures, which are to be carried out for the purpose of obtaining reasonable assurance as to the reliability and correctness of the information pertaining to inventory in the financial statements of the company. A. Key Business Risks, Possible Consequences and Risk Mitigating Strategies Since the company is going through a declining phase as far as profitability and sales turnover is concerned, it is pertinent to consider areas which require management’s attention. The increase in the employee turnover rate and the fact that there are few experienced professionals left in the accounts department of the company pose significant risks in relation to the operations of the company and the preparation and presentation of financial statements which are free fro m material misstatements. Apart from this, the increase in competitors of the business also poses a significant threat in future. All these risks can act together to result in a risk related to going concern of the business. From an auditor’s professional skepticism point of view, these risks and developments can have serious implications on the financial reporting and internal controls maintained by the company, since there is a possibility that management may try to manage earnings and overstate the sales revenue and profits of the business. In addition to this, greater employee turnover reflects that there is a continuous inflow of new inexperienced employees who are expected to be less aware of the procedures and practices followed in the company. Moreover, the company’s automated purchase management system is also regarded by the employees as inefficient due to the complexities and lack of user friendliness and hence the transactions are often recorded manually in the system. This manual practice of recording transactions is another area where fraudulent activities may take place and intentional misstatements may be made by the personnel responsible for data entry. Moreover, there are only two persons in the organization who possess skills to operate the system. Lastly, the composition of the board is also an area of concern; there are different affiliations of board members and there is a risk that the members may have some conflict of interest which may promote unethical practices (Rittenberg, Johnstone and Gramling 2011). Keeping in view these risks and their possible consequences, the company can take several steps to mitigate these areas and overcome these loopholes. First of all, there shall be appropriate measures taken to ensure that employee turnover is brought down to a minimal level in order to ensure that experienced and professional staff members are working in the company and therefore the function of financial reporting, in pa rticular, runs smoothly. On the other hand, there should be a resolution passed for the disclosure of director’s interest in Sucre Delights Limited and other companies, so as to identify and counter any conflicts of interest. The automated system shall be made more user friendly so that the users are able to run the system easily and are inclined to use it. Moreover, the fact that there are only two

Wednesday, February 5, 2020

Video review Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 2

Video review - Assignment Example The bureaucratic class was also intelligible and competent for helping spreading literacy skills throughout the kingdom through education and social reforms. However, this glass was not destined for Catholicism, which the video barely discusses. Much like economic inequality today, literacy during their religion revival was trickling down. Second, the Catholic Church had integrated the Roman organizational structure for centuries before Charlemagne’s rule. Yet the narrators make it seem as if Charlemagne was beginning from scratch when forming and enacting education reforms to spread literacy. Third, Charlemagne did promote liberal arts but did not operate without support. Liberal arts were already existent but not homogenous, centralized, and integrated into the system, which became Charlemagne’s role. The narrators did not clarify several annotations. First, I did not understand at Charlemagne’s inability to master writing truly meant. I get that Charlemagne was dealing with immense diversity and was possibly the reason he could not interact with others fluently (Smarthistory 2013). Was Charlemagne unable to put his own thoughts to paper or was he able to write

Tuesday, January 28, 2020

The Persuading Effects Of Media

The Persuading Effects Of Media The mass media in the Philippines, being the universal source of information, contributes a great influence on our thinking and behavior. This term paper will focus about the impact of media coverage on elections and how it persuades the electorates behavior. My purpose is to explore the effects of mass media on political power in the Philippines and to show how the media simultaneously disrupt and defends the status quo including the advantages and disadvantages during election campaigns. The first part of this paper will provide and support the ideas of how a fair election is measured in a democratic country. It will also focus on the medias substantial role on the voting behavior that will contribute towards a greater understanding of mass media in our country. The second part deals about the past situation of the media which concerns the different election frauds, corruption, and violence. I will also add an overview about the medias monopoly and commercialism. But among these, t he most favorable part is the emergence of the new media through the use of the introduced technology. I will also discuss how the different forms of media campaigning using various campaign strategies through TV ads, polls, debates and others can persuade the voters. Furthermore, this term paper will also argue about the effect of money on election results, whether it is an advantage or a disadvantage to the political candidate. Lastly, I hope to show that communication and persuasion works between the media and the public, that we and others can also influence the media. How to measure a fair election In a democratic country like the Philippines, where universal and equal suffrage is a must, the media plays a significant and substantial role for the development of the society. The media is responsible for ensuring free, fair and equal elections. To make a democratic form of government possible, essential conditions are required. For a country to be democratic, they must secure universal and equal suffrage. The political system must entail recognition of protection of civil liberties and rights. The freedom of speech from candidates and political parties must not be restricted. Enforceable laws must be implemented to prevent election fraud and vote tampering. It must be ensured that an electorates choice of party or candidate cannot be used against him or her by secret ballot voting. (socyberty.com, 2009) But in general term, it can be said that the people must be the highest form of society. The role of media before, during and after elections The fact that the media plays a great role in lives is well known, but its role as a political tool is also well rooted in the political systems. During times of elections, which are seen by many as the hallmarks of democratic political system, the media are expected to undertake very specific roles. It is a clichà ©, but media as the voice of the public, in the course especially of elections, must be able to inform, educate, enlighten and involve the electorate. Brandt, Hughes, and Rasmussen (2006), have discussed the major tools needed by the media in a fair report and coverage of the elections. They have to provide a platform and forum for controversial societal debates. The news media play the vital role in a democracy of providing the public information on which they can base their decisions on public issues. They have the duty to criticize undemocratic behavior of politicians, to educate the general public in respect of democracy, and to secure a fair and balanced coverage of elections. The watchdog function of the media is especially crucial during times of electoral campaigns and elections themselves. More importantly, the medias role is to scrutinize the candidates and parties and expose on the same issues and to give voters enough information to compare their positions. The media must report what the parties and candidates are saying, even if it does not reflect issues the people want to address (pp. 14-19). If the media coverage in the press and television is not free, fair and equal, the results may be prejudiced. Political discussions cannot be avoided in the print media, political stories are aired on television every day, commercial radio airs political news every hour, and paid political announcements are encountered in all media during campaigns. Candidates use of the media can have a strong impact upon those who make up their minds about candidates during the campaign. It is within human nature to believe what is told to us. We tend to believ e the media because research is done by them and they are a main source of information. The media remains important since they are the means by which people obtain current affairs both inside and outside of the Philippines however bias it may be. Overall, the media are always present with new stories on political activities. The new media The entrance of the modern era meant the advent of modern technology accessible to the public. For the first time in history, the Philippines embraced technology and transformed greatly the electoral system of the country during the May 2010 elections. The Philippine elections have frequently been marked by allegations of widespread cheating and other electoral malpractice. It was a subject to criticism since the security of the electoral process and its capacity to preserve the sanctity of the ballot and the will of the electorate was put to question. It has always been a manual process from voting to the canvassing of results with the local and national positions. Consequently, we have had hurdled so much because of the slow and tedious process. But due to the advanced technology available in the modern era, the Filipinos most awaited election was taken to another level. Generally, the automated election fulfilled the promise of speed but complaints and controversies remained (Meis burger, 2010). Many Filipinos until now were not sure whether the new process worked well enough to hold credible elections. Even automated election provided high security, there were still computer experts that bombarded the whole system or hacked the computers and manipulated the results. And I think that it is actually possible that cheaters came from the people who developed the system. Unfortunately and ironically, the press, despite of the intense focus on the new voting machines, failed to highlight critical problems during Election Day. But in my own opinion, the main problem we encountered during the May 2010 automated election was transparency. People were not able to see the actual process of counting the votes and several doubted if the results are really correct. Reporting on the first automated election also posed new challenges to the media. The press had to be alert to new kinds of problems as well as to keep the coverage on the day itself interesting. But it was obv ious from the first hours of coverage that the television networks were clearly prepared to resort to the magic of technology to keep audiences tuned in. The media is intensely influential in the present days systems of domination. Because the majority of the public does not in fact hear political speeches, witness activities, or observe actions of leaders, they depend on the media to exhibit the news in an accessible form. It becomes easy to comprehend how vital the media is, and what will be the effects of the news on the society whenever it is presented. Even a little change of news has the potentials to greatly influence public opinion (people.virginia.edu). Dirty Politics: Bias Media and Corrupt Candidates On the further side of the media, television has been with us for more than thirty years (Del Mundo, 1986, p. 10). By any standard, thirty years is long enough to develop a meaningful mass medium. Although in the past, the role of media is not as great as it is today. During an election, it was not surprising to see the media being harnessed to serve the politicians who held media power. Rocamora, for instance, concluded that Cheating is a well-developed art in Philippine elections. Local Politicians are adept at manipulating the process from beginning to end. (Rocamora, 1998, p. 23). So having no doubt, the media with its own weaknesses, would most likely practice bias electoral processes. Corruption in the media industry is a fact, and it is worst during elections. There is a general feeling about the political bias of the media that it is too negative. They place an importance on finding out what is wrong, but do not tell the complete picture about what is being done. There are in deed media networks that are owned by families who are biased in favor of certain candidates. We can see this prejudicial act most often when the media had begun to be very one-sided in terms of reporting the news. The media should be obligated to tell the truth and not manufacture or elaborate stories, even if it does not sound as good. It has and will continue to destroy the careers of some and make the careers of others. Even though most of the television news stations are owned by wealthy individuals, they should not be so biased. The media and the politicians only want us to see what a perfect world we live in, so they tend to hide the truth or work their way around it. But that is not always the case; sometimes desperate politicians are simply exaggerating when they condemn the alleged bias of the media. They tend to highlight the critical views reported by the media but they overlook the balanced presentation of facts in news reports. Another unjust intervention was experienc ed by the media during the Marcos era. Independence of the media has always been viewed with admiration everywhere in the world. But in 1972 to 1981, when martial law was declared during the regime of President Marcos, media monopoly started. Not just one agency was organized to do the job. Thus, the media suppression of the Marcos era restored the powerful and influential appetite of the public for news. But unfortunately, until now, the medias authority, security and freedom was not completely fulfilled (Del Mundo, 1986, pp. 77-89). Moreover, the recent Maguindanao massacre would be the worst example of election-related violence, wherein many members of the press and media was killed and abducted. Therefore, these malpractices and bad connotations simply imply the common term dirty politics which I think is not fair because politics must always be understood in a larger context. And talking about the status quo, generally it is the media that is bias and the politicians that are c orrupt. Defining a CAMPAIGN In the course especially of elections, we cannot exclude the fact of the emergence of inevitable frauds and intense violence. Every now and then, the media conclusively reports about the most compelling issues and irregularities related to elections, especially during the campaign period. A campaign is the period right before citizens make a real political choice. Campaign activity is more likely to register on voters minds as the Election Day draws near (Brady, Johnston Sides, 2004, p.2). According to Brandt, Hughes, and Rasmussen (2006): Most parties make their leader the centre of attention so voters who like the leader will vote for the partys candidates. So the partys election campaign is composed of speeches, party rallies and press conferences featuring the party leader. But the medias job is not just to repeat all the words spoken by the leaders. There should also be information in the news story about where the speech was given and how many people were there and what was the reaction of people in the streets, and what did political opponents say. Voters deserve to know so they can compare and decide for themselves. (Brandt, Hughes, and Rasmussen, 2006, p. 16). Ultimately, political ads and campaigns can affect who will win the election. As is true of other types of human relationships, first impressions can be very important as voters form their opinions about political candidates. Research on election decisions suggests that candidates use of the media can have a strong impact upon those who make up their minds about candidates during the campaign. They can affect what the voters know, whether they will vote, whom they will vote for and why they will vote for that person. In general, people already have their own ideas when they view television, read newspapers, or log on to websites. To a man, the campaign staffs of politicians agree that the three requisites for a successful campaign are: media, machinery and money. (Coronel, Chua, De Castro, 2004, p. 123) The media as a form of campaign strategy Television campaigns come from various forms. It can be a form of commercial, debates, speech, press conference, polls or interviews which are aired on local television news broadcasts, talk shows and even game shows. The television commercial, the most powerful form of advertising is the most interesting and most complex kind of political advertisement. It is the main way that modern campaigns communicate with voters. It can give you as the electorate an idea of how trustworthy candidates are, how they communicate or connect with the people, how they behave under stress, how they sell their program and what do they stand for. According to a study made by Coronel, Chua and De Castro (2004), The Arroyo and Lacson campaigns were most successful than the others in getting their spins across. This was because they had more sophisticated media strategies and handlers. They had a clearer idea of the message they wanted to project and made sure that this message was successfully conveyed th rough the media. (p. 21). Through TV ads, the audiences who are watching their favorite television programs will have a chance to meet the candidates and there is a possibility that they can recall them since they are shown in every commercial break. The advertiser will create another image of the candidate to make them appreciated and accepted by the target audience. The use of informal words, the inclusion of popular song and dance, the color, social issues, and the representation of peoples age, gender, profession and religion are very useful for the ads recall (Encabo, 2010, pp.11-12). In a survey conducted by Fonbuena. Rufo and Tabunda (2008), during the campaign period itself, respondents were asked to name political advertisements on television that they could recall. An ad was considered correctly recalled by a respondent if the respondent was able to identify the candidates in the advertisements that they recalled. Political ads are effective in converting voter awareness i nto actual votes for the candidates to the extent only that these ads incredibly project an image of the candidate as one who will effectively address the issues and concerns of the electorate. Studies show that commercials and debates aired right before Election Day have the most effect on undecided viewers (pp. 27-28). Voters who have already formed their opinions are hardly influenced by the media to the point of changing their minds. But as defined by House, Ludwig and Stratmann (2009), advertising need not to be truthful in deceptive campaigns. Both types of candidates engage in campaign advertising claiming that they are of high quality. Hence, they define advertising as deceptive when a low-quality candidate advertises that he is high-quality (p. 6). Opinion polls, on the other hand, are mostly used by political parties to discover what issues a representative sample of voters think is important. As defined by Lange (1999), voting intention polls indicate the popularity of political parties/candidates, show ratings, and suggest the outcome of elections. Parties will sometimes change their campaign promises because opinion polls reveal what will be more popular (pp. 49-50). People always say in polls, they do not like negative campaigns but voting records seem to indicate that they are affected or influenced by them. Opinion polls also influence voters because voters like to know what their neighbors are thinking and may decide to vote the same way. As such, poll results could increasingly frame the coverage of the election campaign. Exposure to polls may serve to increase a general interest in voting in the public, but there is little to demonstrate a change in voter intention, which is what we call bandwagon effect. Opinion poll s are only a brief sample of peoples opinions at the time they were asked. Polls cannot predict how opinions and votes will change if voters learn new information. Polls should not become the lead story everyday because they may influence voters to follow popular opinion rather than think for themselves. Lange (1999) observed that debates have advantages and disadvantages, but on balance seem positive. On the negative side, it has been argued that mandatory debates would circumscribe the candidates freedom to run campaigns as they wish that it is not always possible to have all party leaders participating and that debates tend to spotlight the party leaders too intensely. On the positive side, debates allow the candidates to face the public directly, they have been shown to heighten citizens interest in elections and their levels of information, they are a means of enabling the public to make a direct comparison of the candidates, and as such are a useful supplement to the normal news coverage (pp. 28-29). Aside from the old traditions of advertising, the innovative transformation of the society was considered as a milestone in the electoral system. I am not just talking about the May 2010 automated elections, but it is about how social media is changing the face of democracy through the use of different social networking sites in campaigning for a political party or candidate. Generally, traditional media and new media worked together for a more comprehensive coverage of the 2010 Philippine Elections. Rafter (2009) for example, stated that, the internet has assumed an increasingly important role in political communications and has provided new ways of communicating political messages with the public. Traditional concerns about television and radio political advertising are equally applicable to the Internet but there is no debate about regulating political content on the web (p.29). TV news stations also marked a milestone in media history when they reported election updates in real t ime using the new media. They even used the Facebook and Twitter to post news updates and reports about the election. Most of the Social Media websites which have had a major worldwide impact on Internet usage and thus perceived international impact, like YouTube, Flickr, Blogger, WordPress, Google, Wikipedia, Myspace, Facebook and Twitter (eGovernment-Symposium, 2009, p. 7). As predicted by some experts and scholars, it is probably only a matter of time before everyone will be able to vote over the Internet. Still, for those who create and air ads, the bottom line is the bottom line. The intended effect of political advertising or paid media is to win political battles by creating and delivering biased messages. Informing and engaging the public outside of ones supporters, when and if it occurs, is a by-product or secondary effect of the effort to win political battles. Does money wins elections? But the most intriguing factor that affects the decision of the electorate is the presence of money. Rocamora (1998), observe that for a candidate to win Philippine elections, they have to spend three times: once to get nominated, second to garner votes, third to get his votes counted, added to, and those of his opponents subtracted (p. 27). According to political scientist Ciyde Wilcox, money matters most when the candidates are least known to the voters, when they do not receive a lot of news coverage, and when paid advertising, which, of course, is expensive, can bring recognition and enhance images (Wayne, 1992, p.52). As I have said, the ads play a big role in the entire campaign. The earlier the ad is aired, the earlier the candidates rating goes up and the earlier the candidate can shift to conversion. Indeed, this means paying a longer period for advertisement slots. The cost of political campaign is rising and rising fast. The use of other modern technology has also increase d expenditures. One 30-second ad can cost a candidate from P34,000 to P243,000, depending on the station and the time slot. These costs are already slashed by 30 percent, the legally mandated discount for candidates (Fonbuena, Rufo, Tabunda, 2008, p. 61). But because of factors such as popularity and acceptability, campaign budgets may still vary from candidate to candidate. If a candidate is already popular, a lesser amount can be allocated for election paraphernalia. The amount a candidate spends will largely depend on the style of his/her political strategies. Literally speaking, before a sensible person joins a political fray, he/she should check his/her wallet first. Elections are indeed expensive affairs. Radio and television appearance, newspaper advertising, travel for the candidate, mailings of campaign materials, maintaining a network of campaign offices, taking polls, and raising money itself all cost a great deal of money. The notion that the side with more money has a better chance of winning is very common. Lack of budget for the campaign can be solved through public and private funding. The ability to raise money is not only a matter of wealth but also of being able to attract funds from others. Way before the campaign period, funds can already be raised. It is obviously important for a financially challenged candidate to seek and accept whatever material support they can find. Sponsored activities like a ball, a concert, a movie premier, T-shirt sales, and bazaars can be organized. But most campaign donations would not come in until a candidates showing becomes strong during the campaign period. Their contributions serve as insurance money, an investment they hope to draw from in the future. Another source, though largely unreported for obvious reasons, would be gambling and smuggling operations that seek the protection of the politicians. According to Co, Lao, Sayo and Tigno (2005), potential candidates who do not have the financial resources and backing to undertake a campaign have a little chance of winning (p.98). But apparently, I beg to disagree that financial outlays can guarantee victory in elections. Although the money spent might still serve as a good index to electoral strength, the candidates and parties with the most money did not always win. Money however is only one factor. And even when relatively honest people do win, they have to spend so much money to campaign that they invariably become corrupt in order to recover their expenses or to return the favor of financial backers. Wayne (1992) stated that, theoretically, campaign spending should have a greater impact on the nomination process than on the general election, and on the beginning of the process than at the end (p. 51). Whether or not money determines campaign victors, it exerts an enormous influence on elections. Heard (1960), notes that the ef fect of money in politics is probably more certain in determining who the candidates will be than in determining the outcome of the elections. Although the main goal of those who sponsor political advertising is to win elections, advertising can also in ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å¡uence what citizens know about candidates and public policy and how engaged citizens are in their own governance. And, as discussed above, in in ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å¡uencing what voters know, ads can in ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å¡uence whom voter choose (Goldenstein, Ridout, 2004, p. 211). The impact of media on the electoral system The overwhelming power of the mass media is something that we accept as fact. We are dependent on media for information. Media have become our connection to the real world. Indeed, there have been a lot of contributions media has made in politics, particularly during elections. The availability of media coverage during elections from the nomination period to the canvassing of votes, keeps the public informed of all the crucial events that occur during the elections. In the present times, it has gained a greater importance than how it was in the past. Filipinos much more now than ever in the past, rely on the mass media in deciding whom to vote and which issues are important. There is a hunger for information and citizens are much more attentive to media reports during elections than in other times. It has thus gained more influence over the voting behavior of the electorate and greater power in altering the opinions of the people. During campaigns, bad publicity can mean almost certa in death to a promising political career to a politician. No matter what good things a person has done in the past, if the media decides to publish the bad, their chances are blown. Population as a whole also recognizes the large role the media plays in their lives. They are well aware that the press plays the most dominant role in determining which issues and events are considered significant (Brandt, Hughes, Rasmussen, 2006, pp. 15-17). Conclusion The medias role in politics is even more significant. They help shape the political culture, and have the power to make a candidate appealing or repulsive. The media can also lead the general public to misunderstand the actions of one particular political group, and as a result, other political parties have to face a difficult political situation. Encabo (2010) concluded that politicians and advertisement producers believe that advertising allows candidates to reach even the uninterested and unmotivated citizens like those who are not paying attention in news reports, debates, and other campaign event (p.20). The media is primarily needed to fix itself to reporting on politics, not shaping it. The media should not have the bias of the nation, but should offer information to allow ideas to form liberally and independently. The nature of the impact of the media coverage is perhaps most dramatically evident in peoples awareness of the candidates and the consequences for how they vote. I n the coverage of elections, media fulfills different roles. This includes informing, enlightening, and educating the electorate, providing a platform and forum for controversial social debates, forming public opinion, and serving as a watchdog on the side of the citizens. Among these roles, the duty of informing the electorate is the primary and the other roles are only ancillary and fall under this primary role. The media has also the ability of affecting the behavior and decision making of the electorate. Many factors are to consider in determining the voting behavior of the electorate; and though there is no certainty on the extent that media affects the decision making process of the electorate, media is one of the few things that can count heavily on affecting and changing the opinions and decisions of the electorate. Apart from persuading the electorate, the media can also persuade the political candidates. The media influence the decision and actions of politicians and offic ials, change their priorities and can reduce their ability to control events. Another thing to consider in the influence of media in elections is the campaign financing that is required of candidates in order to afford the media resources necessary for advancing the campaign. The costs on campaign financing have escalated primarily due to the fact that it is expensive to employ media resources. However, though it is expensive, but because it is believed to be the most effective medium of campaigning, it is the least likely expense in campaign financing to be cut. The high costs of campaign financing pose problems for less affluent candidates. It is a disadvantage for the poor candidate who does not have the necessary resources necessary to run a campaign which will be able to employ media as one of its medium of advertisement. Because of this, the integrity of the electoral system of a democratic nation such as the Philippines becomes flawed. People, based on democratic theory, shou ld have equal opportunity to run for office regardless of economic status. But because of the high costs imposed by media on running a campaign, this is hardly true. There is therefore a need for the strict implementation of campaign finance laws during elections so as not to put an advantage on the wealthy and a disadvantage on the less affluent candidates. The media plays a crucial role in the realization of this goal. Through these insights, it is therefore true that media persuasion does not only work between the media and the public, but logically speaking, we and others can also influence the media. Both positively and negatively, the mass media contributes a great factor in affecting the decisions of the electorate because it exercises a powerful role in the electoral processes by informing and educating the public. Bibliography (books and e-books): Brady, H.E., Johnston, R., Sides, J. (2006). The Study of Political Campaigns. United States: The University of Michigan Press. Brandt, T., Hughes, T. Rasmussen F. (2006). Coaching Manual for Media Support during Elections. Denmark: International Media Support. Co, E.E.A., Lao, M.E.J., Sayo, M.A., Tigno, J.V. (2005). Philippine Democracy Assessment. Manila: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES). Coronel, S.S., Chua, Y.T., De Castro I. (2004). Cockfight, horserace, boxing match (why elections are covered as sport): lessons learned from the 2004 campaign coverage. Quezon City : Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism. Del Mundo C. (1986). Philippine Mass Media: A Book of Readings. Philippines: Communication Foundation for Asia. eGovernment-Symposium (2009). E-Society and E-Democracy. Berne, Switzerland: Amazee (www.amazee.com) and IDHEAP (www.idheap.ch). Encabo, E.A. (2010). The Filipino Language and Culture in Political Advertisement. San Diego State University: Language Acquisition Resource Center. Fonbuena, C., Rufo, A., Tabunda, A.M.L. (2008). Selling Candidates: Political Ads in the 2007 Senatorial Elections. Quezon City: Public trust Media Group Inc. Goldstein, K., Ridout, T.N. (2004). Measuring the Effects of Televised Political Advertising in the United States. Washington: arjournals.annualreviews.org. Houser, D., Ludwig, S., Stratmann, T. (2009). Does deceptive advertising reduce political participation? Theory and evidence. Washington: George Mason University, Interdisciplinary Center for Economic Science. Hufilena, C.F. (2006). How to Win an Election. Quezon City: Ateneo School of Government Center for Social Policy. Lange, B.P. Ward, D. (2004). The Media and Elections: A Handbook and Comparative Study. New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Lange, Y. (1999). Media and Elections. Europe: Council of Europe Publishing. Meisburger, T. (2010). Will Automated Elections in the Philippines Increase Public Confidence?. Asia: The Asia Foundation. Rafter, K. (2009). Political Advertising: The Regulatory Position and the Public View. Ireland: Broadcasting Authority of Ireland, Media Research Scheme. Rocamora, J. (1998). Philippine Political Parties, Electoral System and Political Reform. Quezon City: Philippines International Review. Wayne, S.J. (1992). The Road to the White House: The Politics of Presidential Elections. New York: St. Martins Press Internet sources: http://socyberty.com/organizations/the-responsibility-of-the-media-in-conducting-free-and-fair-elections/#ixzz1Do4Q79RP. Retrieved February 25, 2011, 01:53 am. http://www.people.virginia.edu/~lkr8v/politics.htm. Retrieved February 25, 2011, 02:33 am.